'Sex Education and Sex Education Bashing', the first workshop by the LGBIT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Intersexual, and Transgender) circle Symposion, was held at ICU on May 18th through the support of CGS. Guest speaker Mr. Tomoyuki Kaneda (PhD candidate, Social Studies, Tokyo Metropolitan University) gave a 30-minute presentation on 'Moralistic Sexual Education and its Problems' which was followed by a Q&A session with students.
As an example of 'sex education bashing', Mr. Kaneda referred to comments made by assembly member Mr. Tsuchiya at the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly (02/07/03). Mr. Tsuchiya's criticism of the "aggressive" nature of current sex education was directed at specific incidents such as explicit descriptions of sexual intercourse in an elementary school science lesson, attempts to show children videos of birth scenes which showed graphic details of genitals, a school for handicapped children which taught a song whose lyrics include names of genitals, and the use of a doll with genitals as educational material in class. Mr. Kaneda pointed out various weaknesses in these criticisms - the song in question does not particularly focus on genitals as its primary aim is to help children learn the names of various body parts; educating young people on safe sex, such as the use of condoms, is of vital importance, especially since cases of sexually transmitted diseases among teenagers are on the rise (according to one survey, the rate of Chlamydia infection among sexually active senior high school students in 2004 was 7.3% for boys and 13.9% for girls). In addition,he criticized those who oppose sex education for being unclear in their criteria for judging what is "aggressive" or "appropriate" as well as in their definition of "morality". They also fail to propose alternatives. Mr. Kaneda suggested that the concepts of communal values and obviousness which supported the traditional "sexual morality" are disappearing with the changing reality of our society.
In my understanding,Mr. Kaneda's argument against those opposing sex education focuses on the immateriality of their concept of "morality" and their failure to reflect the real state of our society. But how effective would such arguments be against those "sex education bashers"? On the latter point,Mr. Kaneda's opponents would probably argue that reflecting a degenerated reality is altogether inappropriate for the ultimate purpose of education - of creating a better future. In fact,the issue of sex education has been strongly tied with social issues by its opponents as illustrated by the following comment by Mr. Nakayama,the Minister for Culture and Education, (Asahi shimbun March 3 2005): "[sex education] should be taught properly in accordance with the development levels of children. An overzealous sex education would be counterproductive for both our children and our society." Such criticisms of sex education has been accompanied by a growing censure of sex shops such as those found in the Kabuki-chō district of Shinjuku. These critics regard the moral standard of our present society as unbearably low and they blame increased sexual liberty for the degeneration of public security. As for Mr. Kaneda's criticism of the ambiguity of the concept of morality, it may be plausible in academia but in reality such obscure "morality" has great persuasive force for the general public. Thus the problem we should really address is why this immaterial "morality" is so unanimously accepted in our society.
If I may venture the risk of being presumptuous, of being critical without proposing an alternative, I think the whole issue of sex education needs to be reinterpreted in a larger framework. At present, it is clear that the two opposing statements operate in separate fields. One may say that it merely benefits the enemy to place debates in the same field of logic with the cons of sex education, but it seems necessary. One may suggest the introduction of a direct debate; although there may be a criticism that placing debates in the same field of logic is beneficial only to the opponent.
Those who oppose sex education advocate 'reforming' society in accordance with a certain ideology. It is an almost fruitless task to look for those truly concerned with the welfare of children in their statements. It seems that their real concern is the issue of "public security". On the other hand, those who support sex education focus their arguments on the children's reality, and on the need for knowledge as a tool for self defence and risk management. The opponents of sex education try to picture this apparent disjunction in the dated sequence of 'conservative' versus 'left-wing'; that the sex education supporters are descendants of the old left wingers who supported the regimes of the USSR and North Korea, flirting with unrealistic revolutionary ideas and ignoring the real issues, and that their arguments hide revolutionary ideas behind them. The implication, that a communist or socialist revolution may be induced by sex education, is hilarious as much as improbable, but not so to those who frame the issues of sex and public safety in one structure.
The present problem is the failure of the sex education supporters in presenting a direct answer to this unfounded analogy of conservative and left, concentrating on advocating their own cause or else ignoring the opposition with disdain. I think that the opinions of sex education opponents are founded in a phobia for the old left. It is this very phobia that blinds these people from the fact that their own arguments are the direct reflection of the totalitarian ideology of nationalist and communist countries, of managing people's lives on the direct physical level of sexuality with the implication that sex is a part of public security. Their logic is an exact copy of the old left's mistake, of failing to address the real society in their preoccupation with ideology over actuality. The analogy of conservative versus left that the sex education supporters disdainfully cut back is in fact an efficient smoke screen for their opponents.
What we ought to do now is to once again take up the social implication of the issue. This might invite criticism from those who are working on the issue of sex education, that they have been the party who are truly concerned for the social issues and addressing it accordingly, and I am in total agreement with them in their own assumption. Yet, I have to point that they are not succeeding in proposing an alternative social view, or serious reform on the conservative-versus-left structure: indeed, they have not produced a view of the 'new left'. We must face the issue of sex education as a social problem, while keeping in mind attempts to address it as an issue of public security as opposed to a purely educational issue, and that such "public security" is often constructed and dealt with outside the system of law.
ICU undergraduate : Kawasaka, Kazuyoshi